在北京天安門(mén)廣場(chǎng)中心的人民英雄紀(jì)念碑的碑身上，刻有這樣一句話(huà)：“三年以來(lái)，在人民解放戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)和人民革命中犧牲的人民英雄們永垂不朽！”這三年，訴說(shuō)了中國(guó)人民解放軍在解放戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)中百折不撓的壯麗史詩(shī)，鐫刻了中華民族為祖國(guó)和人民奮斗的信仰。為什么中國(guó)共產(chǎn)黨能夠取得人民解放戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的偉大勝利？根源在于：軍隊(duì)打勝仗，人民是靠山。

在這場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)中，中國(guó)共產(chǎn)黨緊緊依靠人民群眾，獲得了排山倒海的力量，結(jié)束了國(guó)民黨的反動(dòng)統(tǒng)治，建立了嶄新的中華人民共和國(guó)。

1946年戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)爆發(fā)前夕，國(guó)民黨不僅在軍隊(duì)人數(shù)上，還是武器裝備等方面，均有壓倒性的優(yōu)勢(shì)，甚至還有美國(guó)撐腰。

所以，蔣介石滿(mǎn)懷信心地認(rèn)為，共產(chǎn)黨很快會(huì)被殲滅。但是，歷史卻選擇了這個(gè)看似“弱小”的一方。而造成這種反差的原因是什么？蔣介石是如何將一手好牌打得稀爛的？

張學(xué)良曾在晚年的口述歷史中給出了答案，在他看來(lái)，共產(chǎn)黨之所以能發(fā)展壯大，就是因?yàn)楣伯a(chǎn)黨順應(yīng)了民意。

就在國(guó)民黨的軍政高管們忙著斂財(cái)、壓榨人民、黨內(nèi)派系勾心斗角的時(shí)候。共產(chǎn)黨人提出了一個(gè)口號(hào)——“一切可能下鄉(xiāng)的干部要統(tǒng)統(tǒng)到農(nóng)村中去”。

據(jù)軍旅作家王樹(shù)增采訪(fǎng)回憶，在淮海戰(zhàn)役打響的時(shí)候，村中一位老人參加了支前大軍，為了把炮彈運(yùn)輸給解放軍，他推著小車(chē)，走了三、四百里的路。遇到雨天，他擔(dān)心炮彈受潮打不響，就把自己的衣服脫下來(lái)蓋在炮彈上。

運(yùn)到淮海戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)后，也沒(méi)有急著回老家，而是一定要看著炮彈打出去才放心。那時(shí)，供應(yīng)解放軍前線(xiàn)的物資運(yùn)送，幾乎全靠百姓們肩挑背負(fù)、小車(chē)推送。

新中國(guó)成立后，有人問(wèn)淮海戰(zhàn)役指揮者陳毅，這場(chǎng)戰(zhàn)役是怎么打贏的，陳毅說(shuō)，是老百姓用小車(chē)推出來(lái)的。

由于多年的戰(zhàn)亂，中國(guó)經(jīng)濟(jì)遭受極大破壞，農(nóng)業(yè)生產(chǎn)力極度低下，亟待恢復(fù)與重建。為了保障農(nóng)民生存利益，共產(chǎn)黨提出要解決農(nóng)民土地問(wèn)題。

1946年5月4日，中共中央發(fā)布了《五四指示》，宣布改變過(guò)去的減租減息政策，改為將地主占有的土地分配給貧苦的農(nóng)民。

百姓們有了地，就有了糧，就有了維持生存的根本，此時(shí)的他們更加深刻地認(rèn)識(shí)到，只有中國(guó)共產(chǎn)黨才真正心系人民群眾。

后來(lái)，僅1000多萬(wàn)人口的“北滿(mǎn)地區(qū)”，就有40萬(wàn)農(nóng)民自愿加入共產(chǎn)黨領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的軍隊(duì)，這很快改變了東北戰(zhàn)場(chǎng)的力量對(duì)比。

而反觀國(guó)民黨抓壯丁的強(qiáng)制征兵行為，解放軍的士氣自然遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)壓倒敵人，逐漸地，一些國(guó)民黨軍隊(duì)甚至成建制地投誠(chéng)。

土地改革運(yùn)動(dòng)不僅是一場(chǎng)提高國(guó)內(nèi)生產(chǎn)力的經(jīng)濟(jì)運(yùn)動(dòng)，更是一場(chǎng)人民解放運(yùn)動(dòng)，這場(chǎng)運(yùn)動(dòng)也極大提高了中國(guó)共產(chǎn)黨奪取政權(quán)的可能性。

隨著解放戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的節(jié)節(jié)勝利，新的解放區(qū)必須著手建立新政權(quán)。

而在建立新政權(quán)的過(guò)程中，創(chuàng)造于抗日戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)時(shí)期陜甘寧邊區(qū)的“豆選”再一次讓基層群眾實(shí)現(xiàn)了當(dāng)家做主。

美國(guó)記者斯特朗在延安采訪(fǎng)時(shí)，一位勞動(dòng)模范老楊對(duì)她說(shuō)，“新社會(huì)和舊社會(huì)最大的不同是舊社會(huì)沒(méi)有選舉，而在新社會(huì)每個(gè)人都能投票”。

沒(méi)有民主就沒(méi)有社會(huì)主義，只有實(shí)行真民主才能得到真民心。

與國(guó)民黨在抗戰(zhàn)勝利后聚“國(guó)難財(cái)”、爭(zhēng)官銜相比，共產(chǎn)黨人則表現(xiàn)出對(duì)名利的淡泊和事業(yè)的忠誠(chéng)。

1955年，彭德懷、羅榮桓等人聽(tīng)說(shuō)自己被評(píng)為“大元帥”的消息時(shí)，他們紛紛直言謝絕；劉少奇、周恩來(lái)也紛紛表示不參加評(píng)定軍銜；許光達(dá)作為一名高級(jí)將領(lǐng)甚至提出降銜，后來(lái)考慮各種因素，還是授予其大將軍銜，但在許光達(dá)的一再要求下，給他降低了一級(jí)工資；徐立清曾在解放戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)初期擔(dān)任正兵團(tuán)級(jí)職務(wù)，屬于正兵團(tuán)級(jí)將領(lǐng)，按理授予上將，但是在確定授銜名單時(shí)，他先后給軍委領(lǐng)導(dǎo)寫(xiě)了十多封信，堅(jiān)決要求降銜。

毛澤東表?yè)P(yáng)說(shuō)：“不簡(jiǎn)單哪，金錢(qián)、地位和榮譽(yù)可以看出一個(gè)人的思想和品格，古來(lái)如此！”

在中國(guó)人民革命軍事博物館解放戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的展廳中，“人民的勝利”五個(gè)燙金大字十分醒目。

展廳內(nèi)一座“人民支前”浮雕，刻畫(huà)了人民群眾與人民解放軍勠力同心、并肩戰(zhàn)斗的生動(dòng)場(chǎng)景。

歷史可以過(guò)去，但不會(huì)被人遺忘，中國(guó)共產(chǎn)黨的歷史就是一場(chǎng)為人民奮斗、謀幸福的歷史。

正如中共中央總書(shū)記習(xí)近平所說(shuō)，有了民心所向、民意所歸、民力所聚，人民軍隊(duì)就能無(wú)往而不勝、無(wú)敵于天下，人民軍隊(duì)必須牢記全心全意為人民服務(wù)的根本宗旨，任何時(shí)候任何情況下都做人民子弟兵。

Why didthe CPC Win the War of Liberation?

Onthe Monument to the People's Heroes standing at the heart of Tian'anmen Squarein Beijing carved a line:

“Eternal glory to the people's heroes who laid down their lives inthe People's War of Liberation and the people's revolution in the three years!”

Thethree years is a magnificent epic of the unyielding struggle of the ChinesePeople's Liberation Army (PLA) in the War of Liberation, recording the Chinesenation's commitment to fight for the country and its people.

Whywas the Communist Party of China (CPC) able to win such a great victory in theWar of Liberation?

Herelies the root: The victory of an army relies on the people.

Duringthis war, with the strong support of the Chinese people, the CPC gainedenormous strength, thereby finishing the reactionary rule of the Kuomintang andestablishing the People's Republic of China.

In1946, just before the war, the Kuomintang had overwhelming advantages not onlyin the number of troops but also in weaponry and other things.It was evenbacked by the United States.

SoChiang Kai-shek had full confidence that the CPC would soon be eliminated. 

Buthistory chose to stand on this seemingly "weak" side.

Whatwas the reason behind that contrast?

Howdid Chiang Kai-shek waste the precious window of opportunity?

Theoral history told by Zhang Xueliang in his late years gives us the answer.Hebelieved that it is because the CPC conformed to public opinion that it couldgrow up and thrive.

Whenthe Kuomintang military leaders were busy enriching themselves, squeezing thepeople and involved in rivalries with different factions of their party,

theCPC proposed a slogan, "All the cadres who may go to the countryside forwork should go deep to the rural areas."In the eyes of the PLA, theirlogistics department was composed of ordinary people。

AsWang Shuzeng, a military writer, recalled in an interview,

whenthe Huaihai Campaign started, an old villager joined the supporting troops.

Hetrundled a wheelbarrow for about 100 miles to transport shells to the PLA.

Inthe rainy days, he would take off his clothes and put them over the shells, incase that they would misfire if getting damped.

Finishingthe transport task,he didn't rush to come back home before the shells werefired to enemies.

Atthat time, the transport of military goods and materials to the frontlinelargely relied on ordinary people, who carried them on their shoulders or backsand by their carts.

Afterthe founding of New China, when the commander of Huaihai Campaign Chen Yi wasquestioned how they won this battle,

hesaid that it was the ordinary people who trundled wheelbarrows to help themwin.

Dueto years of war, China's economy has been greatly damaged with extremely lowagricultural productivity, which needs to be restored and rebuilt. To protectthe survival interests of farmers, the CPC proposed to tackle the problemrelated to farmers' land.

TheCPC Central Committee issued "the May Fourth Instructions" on May 4,1946, declaring that they would change the policy of reducing rents andinterest, and distribute the land occupied by landlords to poor farmers.

Oncethe people had land, they would produce food. That would be the basis for theirsurvival.

Andthe people further learnt that only the CPC cared for them in the true sense.

Lateron, in northeastern China with a population of over 10 million, 400,000farmersvolunteered to join the army led by the CPC, which soon changed the powerstructure of the battlefield there.

TheKuomintang, in contrast, forced young men into conscription. So the morale ofthe PLA was far higher than the Kuomintang; gradually, some troops of thelatter even surrendered in an organized way.

Theland reform was not only an economic revolution that boosted nationalproductivity, but also a liberation movement for the Chinese people, therebyenhancing the likelihood for the CPC to seize the ruling power.

Asthe CPC gained a succession of victories in the War of Liberation, newgovernments had to be established at the newly liberated areas.

Duringthis process, the "bean ballot" created in the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxiaborder region in the anti-Japanese war enabled the local people to be the truemasters of the country again.

Whenthe American reporter Anna Louise Strong was doing interviews in Yan'an, amodel worker surnamed Yang told her,

"Thebiggest difference between the old society and the new one is that there was noelection in the old society, but in the new society everyone can vote."

Withoutdemocracy, there will be no socialism; only the real democracy can win people'shearts.

Whilethe Kuomintang members were making profits from the disaster and fighting forthe ranks after the victory over Japan, the CPC members showed theirindifference to wealth and fame, and loyalty to their career.

In1955, when Peng Dehuai and Luo Ronghuan,among others,heard that they would beawarded the rank of grand marshal, they all politely declined the rank.

LiuShaoqi and Zhou Enlai also refused to accept any ranks.

Asa senior military officer, Xu Guangda even asked for demotion. 

Withvarious factors considered, he was still awarded the rank of senior general.

Buthis salary was one level lower at his repeated request.

XuLiqing, once the general at the regiment level when the War of Liberationstarted,should have been granted the rank of general. But when the CentralMilitary Commission (CMC) was confirming the commission list, he wrote over 10letters to the CMC leaders and insisted on demotion.

MaoZedong praised him, "So marvelous! We can tell a person's thoughts andmorals from his attitudes towards wealth, status and honor. It's always been sosince ancient times."

Inthe exhibition hall about the War of Liberation in the Military Museum ofChinese People's Revolution, there are five remarkable golden Chinesecharacters, "人民的勝利," meaning "People's Victory" in English.

Arelief called "People Supporting the Frontline" in the hall vividlydepicts the scene of the people and the PLA fighting together.

Historyrepresents the past, but will not be forgotten. The history of the CPC is ahistory of fighting for the people and their welfare. 

AsXi Jinping, general secretary of the CPC Central Committee, once said, thepeople's army will conquer all as long as they strive for the commonaspirations of the people and are supported by the people. They must bear inmind their responsibility of serving the people whole heartedly.They are thepeople's army at all times and under all circumstances.

《紅星何以照耀中國(guó)》 / 中國(guó)網(wǎng)出品

出品人 / 王曉輝   

總監(jiān)制 / 楊新華   

總策劃 / 蔡曉娟  

執(zhí)行策劃 / 蔣新宇

專(zhuān)家顧問(wèn) / 陳述 中共中央黨校教授  陳中奎 中國(guó)人民解放軍國(guó)防大學(xué)副教授

導(dǎo)演 / 仇俊博   

編導(dǎo) / 申罡 時(shí)暢 郭澤涵 魯波 孔竟?jié)?/p>

設(shè)計(jì) / 顧榕楠

制作 / 馬躍

翻譯 / 汪瑋 李秀宇

攝影 / 陶世欣 毛歡東

后期 / 于舜源 傅華洋